You might even get a better compensation package.

Frustrations are growing among House Republicans as their majority dwindles and agenda sputters — and it’s not just Speaker Mike Johnson who is feeling the heat.

Members were aghast after a stunning Tuesday night meltdown on the House floor, where opposition from a handful of GOP members led to the defeat of one labor bill and the postponement of three others. Some questioned why the Republican floor and whip teams — under the direction of Majority Leader Steve Scalise and Majority Whip Tom Emmer, respectively — had allowed the votes to be scheduled.

Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-Pa.) was among the members who voted no Tuesday. He said he told leaders about his opposition and questioned why they are “bringing bills to the floor they don’t have the votes for, other than to think that they’re going to strong-arm people.”

“I think it’s really a question for them as to where they’re getting their math,” he added.

The rising concerns about the GOP whip operation come as the party struggles to hang onto its razor-thin voting majority. Since the beginning of the year, Georgia Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene resigned, Rep. Doug LaMalfa of California suddenly died and a spate of medical-related absences and family emergencies have plagued the party.

The GOP currently has a 218-213 majority if all members are present and voting — which day-to-day is a huge “if.”

Leaving the floor after the failed vote Tuesday night, Johnson insisted, “We’re totally in control of the House.”

Asked in an interview if GOP leaders have a whipping problem, Scalise said, “We ultimately have a vote count problem with the limited number of members.”

“You have absences, you have other things — I mean, we just had a member pass away,” he added. “It’s going to be a tough road, but we’re going to keep moving our agenda.”

Still, the Tuesday episode led to a significant waste of precious floor time for House Republicans as they try to convince voters they’re working to address cost-of-living issues ahead of the midterms and Johnson continues to insist on pursuing a party-line policy bill this year — a follow-up to last year’s tax-cuts-focused GOP megabill.

Top leaders did see some success last year eking out tough votes, calling the question and then cajoling and cutting deals with holdouts before bringing the gavel down. One procedural vote for the GOP megabill last year was held open for more than nine hours while leaders and White House officials negotiated a deal securing the legislation’s passage.

“I have a magic power of being able to whip everybody at the end, and it usually works,” Johnson told reporters Wednesday.

But that didn’t happen Tuesday, when leaders had to give up on a bill that would rewrite wage rules so employers would not have to pay overtime rates for training in some cases. Pro-labor GOP Reps. Fitzpatrick, Rob Bresnahan (Pa.), Nick LaLota (N.Y.), Jeff Van Drew (N.J.), Chris Smith (N.J.) and Riley Moore (W.Va.) all voted against the legislation.

Rep. Pete Sessions (R-Texas), a former Rules Committee chair, largely reserved judgment about the floor chaos. But he did note that “in the past, we focused on an entirely different process than I believe is done today.”

Other GOP members granted anonymity to speak candidly about the episode were less restrained.

“They didn’t even whip the fucking bill,” one House Republican said. “It was unbelievably dumb and unbelievably reckless,” said another.

Members of the whip team led by Emmer checked in with key Republicans during House votes the night before about how they planned to vote on the labor bill. They heard concerns from some members, but not many hard “nos,” according to three people granted anonymity to describe the internal process. A spokesperson for Emmer did not respond to a request for comment.

“I let them know,” Moore said. “We need to be standing up for the American worker, not making it more difficult.”

Van Drew said he didn’t decide to vote against the bill until the day of the vote and did not inform leaders in advance, but he also said they never asked about his view on it…

Note: …the package would aid scientists displaced by the closure of the NASA Goddard Institute for Space Studies…

Congress is racing to undo thousands of cuts to federal science programs that President Trump called for last year when planning the government’s current budget.

If enacted, the president’s bid for an overall cut in scientific funding to $154 billion from $198 billion — a plunge of 22 percent — would have been the largest reduction in federal spending on science since World War II, when Washington and the seekers of nature’s secrets began their partnership.

This week, the Senate Appropriations Committee released a bipartisan package of bills that largely scraps Mr. Trump’s planned cuts. Analysts say that, if the proposed budgets hold up in the weeks ahead, Congress will set aside roughly $188 billion for federal research — a drop of about 4 percent from the most recent annual budget.

“That’s pretty solid,” said Alessandra Zimmermann, a budget analyst at the American Association for the Advancement of Science, a scientific group based in Washington. “Congress is really starting to push back.”

Surprisingly, analysts foresee a possible rise of more than 2 percent in the budget category known as basic research — the blue-sky variety that produces fundamental strides and spinoffs in fields such as health care and artificial intelligence. Last year, the Trump administration called for a cut in federal basic research of more than one-third.

Mr. Trump sought even larger cuts for the National Science Foundation, which sponsors much of the nation’s basic research. He proposed that its budget be slashed to $3.9 billion from $8.8 billion, a drop of 56 percent. The Senate package countered with a reduction to $8.75 billion, or less than 1 percent.

The bipartisan accord on funding science, Ms. Zimmermann said, stands in sharp contrast with the congressional impasse that shut down the government last fall as Democrats and Republicans clashed over the renewal of subsidies for the Affordable Care Act.

“They’re working together now,” she said. “It’s a return to normalcy.” The new cooperation, Ms. Zimmermann added, is “promising for the eventual passage of the bills.”

Each year, the president submits a budget request to Congress in advance of the annual appropriations process. Only Congress has the power of the purse.

In a statement, Senator Patty Murray of Washington State, the top Democrat on the Senate Appropriations Committee, praised the package of bills as good not only for investigating nature but also for enhancing public safety and the welfare of American families.

“Democrats fought to protect investments that matter,” she said. The package, she added, “rejects President Trump’s push to let our competitors do laps around us.”

Senator Susan Collins, Republican of Maine and chairwoman of the Appropriations Committee, called the package “a fiscally responsible” move that will “spur scientific research necessary to maintain U.S. competitiveness.”

The Senate package includes $24.4 billion for NASA (a 1.6 percent cut), $8.8 billion for the Environmental Protection Agency (a 4 percent cut), $8.4 billion for the Department of Energy Office of Science (a 1.9 percent increase), $6.2 billion for the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (roughly flat), $1.4 billion for the U.S. Geological Survey (a 2 percent cut) and $1.2 billion for the National Institute of Standards and Technology (a 2.3 percent increase).

The bipartisan package of bills includes $6.2 billion for the National Oceanic and Atmospheric

In New York City, the package would aid scientists displaced by the closure of the NASA Goddard Institute for Space Studies, which was famously located upstairs from Tom’s Restaurant at Broadway and West 112th Street, near Columbia University. The diner’s facade appears in “Seinfeld” episodes.

On Thursday, the House voted to approve the Senate package. Many federal programs have recently had their budgets frozen at last year’s levels. Congress, eager to avoid another shutdown, is working to pass spending bills before stopgap measures expire on Jan. 30.

So far, the House’s moves on this year’s science budgeting add up to an estimated total of $185 billion — close to the Senate figure of $188 billion, and putting the two chambers not far apart for negotiations on a final budget.

The improved budgetary picture cannot undo the damage that the Trump administration’s frenzy of budget cutting and administrative chaos brought to the nation’s scientific establishment, analysts say. They see the cycles of cuts and reinstatements as taking a toll that in some cases may require years to mend.

Analysts also note that the administration has made policy shifts on how appropriated funds are spent. For instance, the National Institutes of Health, which traditionally hedged its scientific bets by supporting a wide range of investigators, is now dividing its annual budget into fewer projects.

Even so, science advocates are breathing sighs of relief now that Congress is re-embracing the status quo that in the last century powered the nation’s rise and now maintains its status as the world leader in scientific discovery.

“Science is doing OK,” Ms. Zimmermann, of the science association, said. “Things are not bad at all, given our expectations.”